Economic Globalization

Issue Discussion, Vol. 8,  2001 UUA Study/Action Issue . . . . . .  by Art Peracchio

 

 FAST TRACK NEGOTIATION AUTHORITY

 

Fast Track Negotiation Authority (now euphemistically entitled “Trade Promotion Authority”) is now being deliberated in the Senate; and, if granted without some changes to the measure that has already passed the House, which implicitly prohibits labor and environmental protections, it will undoubtedly accelerate the ‘race to the bottom.’  It is this administration’s intention to negotiate bi-lateral and multilateral trade agreements with 31 Latin American countries and as many other extra-hemispheric nations willing to accept the terms; and, it would like to do so under similar terms as those prescribed in the NAFTA and GATT agreements.

 

The House measure (H.R. 3005) does nothing to protect “hard-won” labor standards; the right to freely associate, the right to bargain collectively, the banning of child or compulsory labor and other discriminatory practices.  The University of Maryland, School of Public Affairs recently found that 93% of Americans believe “countries that are part of international trade agreements should be required to maintain minimum standards of working conditions.”  Over 80% wanted to ban products made by children under age 15.  Nearly as many (78%) believe the WTO should take into account labor standards and the environment when adjudicating trade disputes (74% support restrictions on imports of products produced under conditions damaging to the environment). 

 

Should Trade Agreements include labor and environment issues?

 

The Bush Administration and the majority of Republicans, supported by the business community, claim that labor and environmental issues should not be a part of any trade agreements; that social issues would be best negotiated separately under other auspices (i.e. International Labor Organization, etc.).  Representative Sander Levin (D) countered this argument with, “….Certainly, labor or environmental issues can have ‘social aspects’ that may involve humanitarian or human rights considerations about conservation of natural resources.  But it is unrealistic to suggest that as the issues operate among nations, they are not in substantial measure economic in their nature.  Indeed, the intensity of the controversy over them, especially between nations, is in good part because they are economic, and not just ‘social.’”

 

 The Economic Strategy Institute’s economist Peter Morici in his book Labor Standards and the Global System states that “….Better enforcement of {core worker} rights would likely promote trade that increases income and growth, both in industrialized and developing countries.”  While, “….denying workers the right to bargain collectively perpetuates distortions in the labor market, and results in inferior allocation of resources.”  I believe, that in the long run, the same can be said of environmental issues.  Morici’s views make good economic sense.  In developing countries where there is a surplus of labor and trade unions are discouraged, if not forbidden, wages tend to the subsistence level.  Workers without discretionary income do not make good customers.  Therefore, they cannot be expected to buy our high tech goods and services.  The end result being, that we lose the manual jobs but, do not gain a commensurate increase in the high tech market (witness the huge trade imbalance we have with China and, to a lesser degree, with Mexico).

 

The only winners will be the multi-nationals who will gain by their lower labor and environmental costs.  However, their advantage will not be sustainable.  Absent higher standards of living, the majority of the goods produced by the multi-nationals in third world countries will be sold in the U.S., Europe and Japan.  Eventually there will be a glut in the limited markets precipitating retrenchment and the correspondent flight of financial capital; that is what happened to the south-east Asia so called ‘economic tigers’ in 1997 that nearly caused a world wide depression.  There is no reason to believe that, absent any meaningful changes, it will not happen again. 

 

Vote on Fast Track is Soon.

 

On May 1, 2002, Senate Majority Leader Daschle, appearing before the press after meeting with President Bush, announced that he would bring up the measure before the Senate within the next ten days.  Being of a suspicious nature, I suspect that Fast Track Negotiating Authority was traded for a generous farm subsidy bill (Senator Daschle is from a farm state). 

 

As of this writing, the Senate has not voted on the Trade Promotion Authority measure; however, all indications point to its early passage.  Unfortunately, it is very likely to pass with only a few sops to organized labor, grant displaced workers tax credit to help pay for health insurance and some assistance for retraining workers whose jobs will be lost as multi-national corporations move their operations to low wage countries with few, if any, restrictions.

 

What should the Senate do?

 

Before granting the Administration ‘fast-track’ negotiating authority, it should, at the minimum, incorporate the following provisions:  No trade agreement will be signed that will jeopardize, penalize, or preempt our democratically hard-won environmental, safety and labor laws, nor allow other countries to lower their standards to gain trade advantages.  Agreements shall provide for labor, environmental, and local interest representation in the primary and appellate tribunals authorized to adjudicate trade disputes, with all deliberations to be held in open courts.

 

If, as I suspect, (because of the high power opposition) none of the above suggestions will have been adopted, then please change the above question to read:

 

What should the Senate have done?

 

Art Peracchio

5-16-02